Africa, the seat of glorious civilizations and the crade of mankind, has had a turbulent history and its past is a product of various factors and players. Abdal Mahmood Abdal Haleem Mohammad, Ambassador of Sudan in India and Coordinator of the African Group in India, travels back in time to trace the history of his homeland and project the inevitable future course of events.

Dated: May 2003

THE EUROPEAN "Scramble for Africa" is one of the famous chapters in African history. Though the brutal and monstrous Trans-Atlantic slave trade started in 1441 during which an estimated 13 million persons were transported from Africa, it is the scramble for Africa that laid the foundation of the inherited boundaries in Africa following the decolonisation era. Slicing Africa into what is' sometimes called "handkerchief states", the occupying powers in their bid to exploit the resources of their colonies established arbitrary boundaries cutting across many nations, nationalities and groups.

By the end of the nineteenth century the European powers controlled the entire continent. Throughout that era, birth was not given to despair but to a far-reaching movement of Pan-African consciousness comprising the Africans in the continent and in the Diaspora. Anguished by the excesses of European colonialism in Africa and guided by their firm conviction in a shared objective and destiny, in an African personality and in a glorious culture and future, organized efforts translating the Pan-Africanist thought found expressions in the London Pan-African Conference of 1900 of Henry Sylvester Williams of Trinidad in the Caribbean followed by five Pan-African Congresses with the last one in Manchester in 1945 considered as a turning point in the evolution of the movement.

ALONG with its strong call for the right of the colonial territories to control their own destiny, it was the view of the Manchester Congress that the artificial colonial boundaries were essentially made to obstruct the unity of the African peoples. The struggle for liberation was given fresh impetus by the holding in Accra of the 1st Conference of Independent African States under the guidance of Kwame Nkrumah as well as the 2nd Conference held at Addis Ababa in June 1960. The biggest achievement of the Pan-African movement came with the reconciliation and amalgamation of the two major groups on the continent, the "Casablanca" and the "Monrovia" blocs labelled as 'radical' and 'moderate' respectively, and the subsequent creation of a continental body, the Organization of African Unity on 25th May 1963.

The OAU had to face the challenge of the political and economic liberation of the continent. What is significant about the OAU throughout its years of existence before being transferred to the African Union is the fact that it was not only a body for continental co-ordination but was also a foreign policy tool by African states, described by many as mini­states, to safeguard their hard-won independence and sovereignty through their collective solidarity and interdependence.

Though Africa was successful in the fight against colonialism; in the eradication of Apartheid; in dealing with several conflicts and in framing several charters for the continents' economic co-operation and integration, there is no denying the fact that the African initiative and resolve have not only been impeded by the yoke of colonialism and the rivalry of the cold war but the impact of the two has certainly influenced the political, social, economic and cultural development of the continent.

THAT is why African leaders in their wisdom took an important decision at their Summit in Cairo 1964 on the inviolability of frontiers inherited from colonial period. This preventive measure was taken to ensure stabilization of the status quo, as attempts to draw new boundaries would open a Pandora's box for endless demands, thus threatening the continental peace and stability at large.

On the other hand, the mushrooming of many civil wars in many parts of Africa are also attributed to the policy of "divide and rule" exercised by the colonial powers and aggravated after independence by certain national policies and attitudes especially the unbalanced development. The dependence on external powers and the tendency to fight others' wars during the cold war have also aggravated the African condition.

In the economic front, problems of poverty and underdevelopment lie also in the colonial and post-independence experiences. The continent has basically emerged as supplier of cheap raw materials and little attention was given to manufacturing and exporting value-added products. Dependence on basic primary commodity exports worsened the economic landscape characterized by poor infrastructure, weak financial sector, and absence of dynamic private sector, excessive debts, cycles of droughts in addition to other macro and micro deficiencies. Coupled with the unfavourable international economic environment, the economic situation in the continent continues to stagnate thus making poverty and under development basic root cause of many current conflicts on the African continent.

It is unquestionable that Africa is faced at present with profound challenges. In a continent endowed with enormous wealth and vibrant emerging visionary leadership yet characterized by varying degrees of economic growth, natural calamities, high population growth, accumulation of external debt, it is incumbent upon the continent to formulate and co­ordinate policy priorities with a view to enhancing political stability and conflict resolution on the one hand and promote economic development and regional economic integration on the other.

A POLITICAL and economic policy package that addresses both needs simultaneously with a global perspective is urgently needed in order for Africa to make this century an African century. Viewed within this perspective, the concept of African security, though modulated by both domestic and international forces, transcends the narrow notion that was prevalent during the cold war, which largely meant security of territory from external aggression or the protection of national interests against foreign threats. The concept here goes beyond nations to also include the overall human-centred development in which the pillars of national security can be clustered under broad themes, which are economic security, food security, health security, environment security and political security. From access to food to control of diseases; from preserving the local environment to ensuring absence of threats from the state or other states; from ensuring safety of families and other ethnic and religious groups, the concept of security for an African citizen who suffered so much for so long, is no longer the absence of war. This explains why Africa, while attempting to consolidate its unity through the historic establishment of the African Union is equally fighting on the economic front through the establishment of the African Economic Community and the recently launched NEPAD initiative.

Not only that such threats are confined to the economic and social fields. The existing configuration of world power carries several risks for states in Africa. In a uni-polar world Africa risks marginalization as the old strategic advantage of room of manoeuvrability during the cold war is giving way to new rules of the game. Selectivity and double standards when it comes to African interests cannot pass unnoticed. The withdrawal of the international forces from Rwanda when their presence was needed most to prevent a genocide is a case in point. The interventionist tendencies like the so-called humanitarian intervention; the selective invoking of the issue of human rights to serve political ends; the extra-territorial application of domestic laws; excessive militarization of international relations; conditionalities relating to environment and labour standards in international trade have all contributed to the continuing erosion of the state's power. They too constitute threats to sovereignty and territorial integrity of states.

The weakening of the United Nations in the current international political scenario and the challenges brought about by the WTO, along with the continuing irrelevance of the Bretton Woods Institutions have also compounded the difficulties faced by developing countries of which Africa constitute an overwhelming majority. Challenges at the cultural front are of no less importance. For Africa, the home of ancient civilizations and vibrant cultures, unification of the cultural space or imposition of western concepts of culture is a high price to pay.

As underdevelopment is widely recognized as the root ­cause of many conflict situations and social upheavals in Africa it is development that makes peace sustainable. Within this framework it is not difficult to specify Africa's priorities at this juncture, mainly reduction and elimination of poverty; promoting labour-intensive industries; investing in education and health along with benefiting from the tremendous opportunities in science and technology. Empowering the private sector in Africa is currently gaining grounds as a vital engine of economic growth.

OVERCOMING structural impediments to growth through sound macro-economic policies, promoting regional economic co-operation and addressing with vigour Africa's external debt, which amounts to US$400 billion are all pressing preoccupations that should urgently be addressed. The imbalances in development between rural and urban communities, which has emptied the rural areas of their labour forces and drained the resources and congested the big cities, should be reversed by revitalizing the rural economy. The current "ruralisation of the urban centres" can only be dealt with by enhancing agricultural development in the continent in which agriculture accounts for nearly 50 percent of the continent's GDP, 45 percent of its exports and almost 75 percent of employment. Food security is also linked to empowering women and civil society.

As economic development cannot prosper without political freedom, Africa is attaching great importance to the question of democracy and popular participation. A word of caution is necessary here. In Africa's search to democratise its societies, homegrown models as opposed to imported models should be encouraged. Democratic structures may vary. However, the basic ingredients, namely rule of law, political pluralism, transparency and accountability should not be compromised.

In its search for the consolidation of democratic traditions and human rights, and in a serious attempt to create an enabling environment in the continent for peace as prerequisite to development, Africa has established a continental mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution since 1993. The Declaration establishing the mechanism has given a mandate to it to deal with intra- and inter-state conflicts. Whether externally motivated or on boundaries or resources, whether political, ethnic or religious in character, the Mechanism reflects the new thinking in the African continent regarding the need to collectively address the conflicts by the Africans themselves in a significant departure from the earlier reluctance by the Organization to intervene on basis of the OAU Charter that makes non-­interference in the internal affairs of states a cardinal principle.

THE Mechanism is composed of the state members of the OAU Summit Bureau elected annually and it functions at the Heads of States, Ministerial and Ambassadorial levels. The Mechanism attaches great importance to preventive diplomacy and early warning as well as encouraging partnership between regional and sub-regional organizations. There is co­operation between Africa and the UN Security Council, especially on issues relating to peacekeeping operations in the continent guided by the Africa's desire that it should be given the upper hand when it relates to arrangements on its soil. The establishment of the Mechanism also explains why the continent was not in favour of the earlier initiative by the US and Western powers to establish a Rapid Response Force of intervention. Soon Africa will have its Security Council under the aegis of the African Union.

The establishment of the African Union is a major landmark in the history of Africa. At the extraordinary Summit in Sirte, Libya on 9 September 1999 the African leaders decided to establish the African Union as the successor to the OAU to foster greater unity and solidarity in Africa, on the one hand and to stress economic integration in the continent as defined in the Abuja Treaty establishing the African Economic Community, on the other. The emerging African Union launched at the recently concluded Durban Summit will provide the appropriate framework within which necessary partnership will be strengthened between the Governments, representatives of the peoples, economic operators and the civil society in order to promote the economic and social development of the continent.

The July 2002 OAU Summit in Lusaka saw the birth of the African Union. It also saw the launching of a major African initiative, "the New Partnership for Africa's Development" known as NEPAD, supposed to assist the AU in the realization of economic co-operation and integration. In a world characterized by fierce competition and the formation of various regional trading blocs, there is no alternative to economic integration as a strategy for the promotion of sustainable socio-economic development in Africa.

The post-conflict challenges are of no less importance. African states have to address the question of social and economic rehabilitation; de-mining; return of refugees and displaced persons; issues pertaining to demobilized soldiers in addition to other arrangements that can enhance social and political cohesion and make efforts towards conflict resolution sustainable.

WHILE addressing the African problems is the responsibility of the Africans themselves, the continent attaches great importance to South-South Co-operation, especially within the framework of current international, political and economic scenarios. Acting in bloc, the developing countries in the South can work together to avert the negative impact of globalisation and to guard against marginalisation. Countries of the South can learn from each other's experiences as well as co-ordinate their efforts on regional issues such as restructuring of the UN System and the Bretton Wood institutions. Within this framework also the relevance of the Non-aligned Movement, as strategy for recognition and preservation of the world's diversity, and as a vehicle towards a multi-polar world, should be stressed. If NATO is still relevant, why not NAM?